Global Journalist

A media plot in Peru?

By Abraham Mahshie Posted Jul 1 2005

Home / Recent Stories / A media plot in Peru?

The Peruvian press has recently come under fire for an alleged plot against the government of President Alejandro Toledo. Negative press coverage has tormented Toledo since his 2001 election and contributes to a popular support of less than 10 percent. Incessant press attacks have reduced the government and the press’ credibility and called in question the stability of Peru’s democracy and even the capacity of Toledo to complete his presidential term, which is due to end in July 2006.

“I’m afraid that today the press is becoming the principal ally of the destabilization of democracy in the country,” says Juan Ossio, professor of social sciences at the Pontífico Universidad Católico de Perú in Lima.

“The press should not stress the negative, often passing details, but cement a consciousness of citizenship in the country by highlighting the positive aspects that have a great deal of meaning for the future,” Ossio says.

One such aspect is Peru’s annual GDP growth rate of more than four percent, a figure that is expected to stay consistent for the next three years and has been the highest in Latin America for the past four years. This figure may help to ease the suffering of the more than 60 percent of Peru’s population that lives in poverty.

Paul Alonso, a journalist for El Comercio in Peru, agrees that Toledo’s economic achievements have been ignored in favor of scandal coverage and its high ratings.

“What is growing in Peru is journalism as entertainment — the press is accustomed to being a bit of a show,” he explained, emphasizing Toledo’s uphill battle. “Since his presidential campaign, Toledo had to fight against the dictatorship of Fujimori.”

Toledo won the presidency after the 10-year reign of Alberto Fujimori, whose tenure included dissolving the Congress, hosting a self-coup, rewriting the constitution and employing a corrupt spy chief who routinely paid off members of congress and the media for support.

“The argument for Fujimori is: he is a thief, but he did things, combated terrorism, gave us highways, schools and services,” explains Adriana León of the Institute for Press and Society in Lima. “And it’s clear, Fujimori gave things to the poor and in exchange, asked for their votes.”

Henry Dietz, Professor of Latin American Studies at the University of Texas, claims the question isn’t whether Toledo’s government is more transparent and democratic. “Neither of these terms refers to competence, which is where the problem lies,” he says.

“Alex [Toledo] has in many instances created his own troubles,” said Dietz.

Alonso agrees. “I don’t think the press is causing the problems, I think they are consequences of Toledo’s actions.”

At one point, El Comercio suggested stepping down from the day-to-day management of the country but narrowly avoided a suggestion of resignation. Other media say even a cabinet change wouldn’t save Toledo politically.

A financial daily newspaper, La Gestión, said, “If the administration does not see the seriousness of the crisis and believes it is a passing phase, and that a few passing cabinet changes will allow it to continue dragging along, we will have reached the point of no return.”

Sometimes, Peruvian distrust of Toledo isn’t even based on government or economic policy. According to a public opinion poll by worldpress.org, 74 percent of people surveyed say they disapprove of Toledo because he lies.

“A ‘media plot’ against him is a bit exaggerated. There are interests of the opposition in the press, but since early on in his presidency, the press has reflected the poor overall state of citizens in general,” explains Alonso. “Toledo didn’t get a ‘honeymoon’ period, and after a few months the people lost patience.”

Toledo’s run for the presidency began amidst the chaos of a constitutional crisis and a bribery scandal that enveloped Peru in June 2000. Then-president Fujimori sought a constitutionally questionable third term and won in a rigged election. Two weeks later, a bribery scandal forced Fujimori to call new elections. Soon after, he submitted his resignation from Japan, where he now remains in exile.

In free and fair elections, Toledo won and took office July 28, 2001. His chief rival was former president and head of the APRA party Alan Garcia, who continues as his main rival. As Toledo’s image has deteriorated, Garcia has strengthened his position as the leader of the opposition and begun his campaign for the presidency in 2006.

Fujimori, whose extradition has been sought from Japan on corruption charges and who is constitutionally prohibited from seeking the presidency, currently has a seven percent approval rating. Fujimori hopes to return to power in Peru, where his ability to get things done holds him in high regard with many.

Peruvians’ demand for immediate results shook Toledo early in his tenure. After only four months in office, his support dropped by nearly a half to 32 percent. By the following year, he was embroiled in a paternity suit that received daily front-page coverage.

Alonso claims it is the constant front-page coverage of corruption and scandals throughout his term that has caused the most harm to Toledo.

Among the Peruvian government’s most highly recognized faults are the president’s nepotism, corruption within the government and the president’s initial denial and later acceptance of an illegitimate daughter. These things receive more attention than his lack of governing ability in adding jobs and improving standards of living, both of which are long-term objectives. The media tends to overlook them for scandal coverage that attracts more attention.

“Right now, we live in a period of extensive press freedom, so, there is a bit of everything,” León explains.

“There is an important sector that does serious and responsible political and investigative journalism,” León says. “What happens is, they concentrate on attacks against the government and, for example, put aside journalistic coverage of themes that are very important.”

Among those neglected themes are some of Toledo’s achievements in education reform and health care, and the results of the Truth and Reconciliation commission to investigate the causes of terrorist violence from 1980-2000.

“I think that Toledo has committed some errors by virtue of not being firm enough, but nothing to justify the hard treatment that the press has conceded him,” Ossio notes.

Ossio says that front-page scandal coverage of Toledo was done as retribution by papers that supported and received bribes from Fujimori. As their publishers increasingly found themselves facing corruption charges, they began to attack Toledo. When their sales went up, other papers followed suit.

“The campaign of corruption initiated by one press obliged the mainstream press to follow, because they were receiving such high ratings,” Ossio explains.

“The press in a dictatorship is not the same as the press in a democracy,” León says.

“If a piece of information comes up that could put the governability of the country in danger, then you have to evaluate whether you are going to publish it,” he says. “On the other hand, there is the press that affirms that you have to keep a close eye on the current administration and publish every accusation the editorial staff receives.”

“Today, there’s not only liberty but licentiousness,” Ossio notes in regard to press freedom in Peru. “Not only the executive has low popular support, but the legislative and judicial powers too. Without doubt, this is a grave problem for democracy because it translates to a lack of acceptance for the institutional system and growing distance between the state and society.”

This growing distance may transfer to the relationship between the people and their media as well. In a January public opinion poll conducted by the University of Lima, 81 percent of respondents had little or no confidence in the media and 60 percent believed that the media stayed the same or got worse in its responsibility to inform since Fujimori.

“Our democracy is weak, but it is still democracy,” Alonso notes.

Experts now doubt the possibility of Toledo resigning before the end of his term and leave little hope that a new president will improve government credibility or strengthen the institutional system in the eyes of Peru’s citizens. This is despite Toledo leaving office and directing the country during its longest period of sustained economic growth.

As long as scandals are the feature of entertainment journalism, Peru’s presidential candidates will have to prove they can deliver visible signs of growth if they intend to outweigh negative media coverage.

Lima Mayor Luis Castañada might be the most solid candidate. Castañada’s construction of highways and other public works has helped him post an 86 percent approval rating in Lima, according to the CPI polling firm. Although he has declined to run 12 months ahead of elections, he currently leads in an Apoyo poll with 21 percent.

“Its not a question of names, but of a weak system,” notes Alonso, who argues that Peru’s mainstream press plays an important role in supporting democracy but that more voices and publications are necessary if democracy is to survive.